Pinay Ako!

[Anna and Jeff 3]

I believe indolence is embedded in almost everyone’s heart and soul, Filipino or otherwise. I, myself, must admit that I possess some inborn laziness, albeit how trivial it may be. My laziness could be the product of my incessant procrastination; not to accomplish something today, because it can always be done tomorrow. For example, I must mow the lawn now as the fescue grass is about 3 inches high, but, wait, I am going to the golf course instead and enjoy whacking the bermuda fairways with my 7-iron. Hey, there is always tomorrow for the grass and weeds at home.

I think Rizal speaks of Filipinos' laziness as a result of Spanish colonization. He noted that Filipinos were labeled as such by westerners because when the latter woke up in the morning (most likely at about 9 or so), they would see Filipinos sleeping under the shade of trees; they wouldn't 'work' much or till the soil for planting etc. What they - westerners know, (please note, this is based from the essay) was that Filipinos wake up too early in the morning so they could work on the field and also to avoid the extreme heat of the sun. Moreover, there were cases when a Filipino farmer didn't have to work that much considering how soil is. Anyways, it's a good read- Rizal's essays I mean.

[I AM NOT THAT GUY 5,715]

Rizal's Novels

Articles published in a fortnightly were obviously not enough to attract the attention of the Spanish government. Seeing that Marcelo del Pilar was editing the paper with rare ability, assisted by a sufficient number of competent contributors, Rizal left its staff to give his work a more fit and forceful vehicle. It was necessary to, picture the miseries of the Filipinos more movingly, so that the abuses, and the afflictions they caused might be publicly revealed in the most vivid colours of reality. Only a novel could combine all these attractions, and Rizal set himself to writing novels. The preface of the "Noli me tangere" states the purpose of its author, which was no other than to expose the sufferings of the Filipino people to the public gaze, as the ancients did with their sick so that the merciful and generous might suggest and apply a suitable care. The principal character of the novel was the only scion of a wealthy family of mixed Spanish and Filipino blood. Ibarra, for that was the name he bore, had been enrolled at a very early age in the Ateneo, the Manila municipal school run by the Jesuits; afterward his father had sent him to Europe to complete his studies. Having had little to do there with his countrymen, it was not to be wondered at that upon his return to the islands Ibarra should know so little about his own country that when Elias a approached him in the name of the persecuted and oppressed, appealing to him to work for the reforms that could mitigate their fate he should answer that he was convinced it was not yet time to change the existing regime in the islands because it was the most suitable for the present state of development of the Filipinos. It could not be doubted that Ibarra really loved his country, and yet, in all faith, he believed what he said because he was happy, because he loved with all his heart a childhood friend, the daughter of the friar who was the parish priest of his hometown, and his love as tenderly returned. In one of those poet ic outbursts proper to those in love, he promised his sweetheart, the personification of his native land, that he would undertake at his own cost the construction of public works much needed in the town, such as a good building for a public school.

For his part the parish priest could not allow, and felt it his obligation to prevent, the union of his daughter with Ibarra because the Filipinos and their families were subjected to a thousand persecutions and it were better for her to marry a Spaniard that she might live peacefully in the company of her children. Besides, Ibarra was a subversive who did not even kiss his hand and whose attitude, although polite, was far from the servile submission required from natives. His anger knew no bounds when the town mayor informed him of Ibarra's plan to build a school-house, and he exploded into such terrible fulminations of reprisal against any who might collaborate in the project that the young man had to have recourse to the provincial governor, the director general of civil administration, and the governor general himself. These authorities lent him their support, but, at the laying of the cornerstone of the school, only Elias saved him by a miracle from certain death.

The young man's situation became more crucial when another friar fell hopelessly in love with his sweetheart. No Filipino in those times could doubt that the enemy of one friar was the enemy of his Order, and that the enemy of two friars was that of all the religious Orders put together. So it came to pass that, when least expected, a riot broke out to murder the parish priest who, oddly enough, was not to be found in the parish-house, while the constabulary, on the other hand, was able to surprise and capture a number of the rioters. Whoever among the latter refused to point to Ibarra as the leader and instigator of the insurrection was tortured to death; the stronger ones preferred to die rather than to lie, but many gave in to the severity of their sufferings and in the face of death. Ibarra, warned in time by Elias, was able to escape from the torture and fled to Manila, turning himself in to the higher authorities, who had him shut up in Fort Santiago. Elias saved him anew and, once outside the fortress, told Ibarra that he had buried the latter's money and treasure in a place he described, adding that with these resources Ibarra could live abroad and work from there for the deliverance of his countrymen. Ibarra, because of his wealth and greater learning, would be more useful than Elias, and for this reason Elias, in an effort to save Ibarra from a constabulary pursuit party that was almost upon him, drew them off the track and was killed.

The book contains various other scenes from Philippine life as it actually was, which are arranged artistically in the novel to give unity of time and place and heighten the interest of the reader. The work's second volume, entitled "El Fulibusterismo", continues the story: Ibarra had escaped abroad where he had grown wealthy from trade; moving on to Cuba, as a jeweler, he had won the friendship of the governor general of the island with expensive gifts, and lent them the money needed to secure from the Ministry a transfer to the Philippines, where the governorship was more lucrative. Thus, under another name and with the security afforded by his position as the new governor general's intimate friend and confidante, his eyes always covered by enormous dark glasses to avoid his being recognized, Ibarra was able to return to. the Philippines and dedicate himself, heart and soul, to his campaign of subversion.

This consisted in deepening the blindness and .inciting the base passions of the authorities so that, by carrying to an extreme the abuses and oppressions inflicted on the natives, they should drive the latter from exasperation to rage and thus to revolution. The lamentations of the oppressed reached up to heaven, and, if they did not move the oppressors to compassion, it was because their hearts were harder than stone. But in spite of all, the people did not rise, their patience was. greater. than Ibarra's, whose heart burnt with the desire to avenge his ruined future and lost happiness. Unable to Wait any longer, he prepared a great banquet to be attended by the higher authorities and principal families of Manila, and planted a dynamite mine under the house which would explode. before the end of the feast. Then, taking advantage of the confusion such a disaster would cause, lbarra, at. the head of a gang of outlaws who were at his orders, would force his way Into Intramuros, take his sweetheart away from the Santa Clara nunnery, and escape with her. A Filipino, to whom Ibarra confided his plans, was so horrified by the proposed crime that he frustrated it, and this led to the discovery of the plot, Ibarra, pursued and mortally wounded, took refuge in the house of Father Florentino, who made him see the, error of his ways. Shortly thereafter, overcome by sorrow and remorse because he had not spent his time on useful benefactions, Ibarra died. Father Florentino, to whom lbarra had left a chest filled with jewels, threw into the, sea all the wealth which had been the cause. And origin of untold sufferings, so that it might cease to work evil, calling instead on the virtuous youths ready to offer the sacrifice of their pure and stainless blood to obtain from heaven the salvation of the native land.

The foregoing extract from his works shows that Rizal made it his purpose to give, in particular, two pieces of advice which might serve as warnings not only to the Spaniards but also to the Filipinos. By the first, he served notice on the Spaniards that, if the Spanish government in order to please the friar remained deaf to the demands of the Filipino people, the latter would have recourse in, desperation to violent means and seek in independence relief for its sorrows; and by the second, he warned the Filipinos that, if they should take up their country's cause motivated by personal hatred and ambition, they would, far from helping it, only make it suffer all the more. He wanted to say that only those actions would benefit the Filipinos which were dictated by true patriotism, which not only demands the sacrifice to the common good of personal revenges and ambitions, but also requires, when necessary, the disinterestedness and abnegation of Elias. Did the Spaniards know how to profit by this advice to them? Or the Filipinos by that given to them? If the reader has the patience to follow me in this brief study, which I shall try to make impartial so it may be the more enlightening, I hope that at its conclusion he may answer these questions for himself. For the time being let him be content with the observation that very few Spaniards read Rizal's novels because they had been written by a subversive, and that not many Filipinos read them either because their publication and reading in the islands were prohibited. Sin, says the proverb, is its own expiation.

Source

[muñequita linda 0]

Cause and Effect of the execution of Fathers Burgos, Gomez and Zamora

But such isolation was practicable only so long as the Europeans had to go by the Cape of Good Hope or the Straits of Magellan in order to reach the Far East, and before steam and electric, power had shortened distances. With the opening of the Suez Canal, the Philippines too was opened to the commerce of the civilized world. As a free and civilized nation, Spain was ashamed to imitate China by forbidding the islands to foreigners; besides, it did not have sufficient, strength to compel the great powers, if the need should arise, to abide by such a decision. Thanks to the increasing ease of communications events in Europe were already echoing in the ears of the Filipinos who, excited by these novelties, were beginning to think anew. Their awakening became even more thorough when the Filipino secular clergy, led by Father Burgos, appealed to the Spanish throne and Rome for the recovery of the parishes which the Spanish government had taken from them and given to the friars, confining the mselves to missionary work, should turn over all parishes to the Spanish and Filipino secular clergy in accordance with canon law. Since the friars were bound to lose the case because the petition was just and lawful, they put it about that the claimants were really agitators whose aim was to seize the parishes in order to organize an insurrection against the Spanish regime in the Philippines, The religious Orders claimed to be the sole support of Spanish rule and that, if they were removed from the parishes, the whole regime would come tumbling down, citing the precedent of the Mexican revolution which had been started by secular parish priests.

This is for the perusal of my fellow Ilocanos. Aren't we proud to have heroes of Ilocano heritage such as Padre Burgos, Juan and Antonio Luna, and Diego and Gabriela Silang, among others?

PADRE JOSÉ BURGOS

Manipud iti Wikipedia

Ni José Apolonio Burgos, (Febrero 9, 1837--Febrero 15, 1872), ket maysa nga Filipino-Español a padi a kasali iti tallo a papadi a maaw-awagan iti "Gomburza" a binitay dagiti autoridad nga Español iti Filipinas diay Bagumbayan, Manila idi maika-19 a siglo, iti pammabasol a kakumplotda iti Panagalsa iti Cavite nga inrusuat dagiti bumusbusor iti kolonial a turay nga Español idi Enero 20, 1872 (da Padre Mariano Gomez ken Padre Jacinto Zamora dagiti kakaduana).

Nayanak ni Padre Burgos diay Vigan, Ilocos Sur. Maysa nga oficial nga Español ti amana, ni Don José Tiburcio Burgos ken maysa a mestiza ti inana a ni Florencia Garcia. Nagbasa diay Colegio de San Juan de Letran ken diay Universidad de Santo Tomas a nakagun-odanna iti tallo a di graduado a degree nga addaan pammadayaw, dua a a masterado a degree ken dua a doctorado a degree. Inannongna ti umuna a misana diay Intramuros, Manila.

[Besame Mucho 1]

Cause and Effect of the execution of Fathers Burgos, Gomez and Zamora

But such isolation was practicable only so long as the Europeans had to go by the Cape of Good Hope or the Straits of Magellan in order to reach the Far East, and before steam and electric, power had shortened distances. With the opening of the Suez Canal, the Philippines too was opened to the commerce of the civilized world. As a free and civilized nation, Spain was ashamed to imitate China by forbidding the islands to foreigners; besides, it did not have sufficient, strength to compel the great powers, if the need should arise, to abide by such a decision. Thanks to the increasing ease of communications events in Europe were already echoing in the ears of the Filipinos who, excited by these novelties, were beginning to think anew. Their awakening became even more thorough when the Filipino secular clergy, led by Father Burgos, appealed to the Spanish throne and Rome for the recovery of the parishes which the Spanish government had taken from them and given to the friars, confining the mselves to missionary work, should turn over all parishes to the Spanish and Filipino secular clergy in accordance with canon law. Since the friars were bound to lose the case because the petition was just and lawful, they put it about that the claimants were really agitators whose aim was to seize the parishes in order to organize an insurrection against the Spanish regime in the Philippines, The religious Orders claimed to be the sole support of Spanish rule and that, if they were removed from the parishes, the whole regime would come tumbling down, citing the precedent of the Mexican revolution which had been started by secular parish priests.

This is for the perusal of my fellow Ilocanos. Aren't we proud to have heroes of Ilocano heritage such as Padre Burgos, Juan and Antonio Luna, and Diego and Gabriela Silang, among others?

PADRE JOSÉ BURGOS

Manipud iti Wikipedia

Ni José Apolonio Burgos, (Febrero 9, 1837--Febrero 15, 1872), ket maysa nga Filipino-Español a padi a kasali iti tallo a papadi a maaw-awagan iti "Gomburza" a binitay dagiti autoridad nga Español iti Filipinas diay Bagumbayan, Manila idi maika-19 a siglo, iti pammabasol a kakumplotda iti Panagalsa iti Cavite nga inrusuat dagiti bumusbusor iti kolonial a turay nga Español idi Enero 20, 1872 (da Padre Mariano Gomez ken Padre Jacinto Zamora dagiti kakaduana).

Nayanak ni Padre Burgos diay Vigan, Ilocos Sur. Maysa nga oficial nga Español ti amana, ni Don José Tiburcio Burgos ken maysa a mestiza ti inana a ni Florencia Garcia. Nagbasa diay Colegio de San Juan de Letran ken diay Universidad de Santo Tomas a nakagun-odanna iti tallo a di graduado a degree nga addaan pammadayaw, dua a a masterado a degree ken dua a doctorado a degree. Inannongna ti umuna a misana diay Intramuros, Manila.

¡Viva Ilocos!

[I AM NOT THAT GUY 5,715]

PADRE JOSÉ BURGOS

The youngest among the three Filipino Martyr Priests(Fathers Mariano Gomez, Jose Burgos, and Jacinto Zamora), Father Jose Burgos was born in Vigan, Ilocos Sur on February 9, 1837. His parents were Jose Burgos and Florencia Garcia.

Young Jose's first teacher was his mother who taught him to read and write. After finishing his elementary grades in Vigan in 1849, he went to Manila and enrolled at the San Juan de Letran College where he excelled in all subjects. At the age of 17, he finished Bachiller en Artes with honors. He studied priesthood at the University of Santo Tomas and said his first mass at the Parroquia del Sagrario de Intramuros.

For his courageous defense of the cause of Filipino priesthood, Father Burgos earned for himself the name "Champion of the Cause of the Filipino Clergy" but incurred the hatred of the Spanish friars. Thus, when the Cavite mutiny broke out in 1872, the Spanish authorities arrested him together with Father Gomes and Father Zamora, charging them of having incited the revolution. After a mock trial at Fort Santiago on February 15, 1872, they were sentenced to die by means of the garrote, a Spanish strangulation by an iron collar tightened by a screw. On February 17, 1872, they were executed in Bagumbayan, now the Luneta.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Padre Jose Ma. Burgos studied in San Juan de Letran. He sought equal treatment for browns and whites. He was busy seeking reforms when the Cavite Revolt broke out in 1872.

Padre Burgos was suspected to be one of those inciting the people to revolt. On February 15, 1872, during a secret trial, three Filipino priests were sentenced to die at the gallows.

The three priests, Fathers Gomez, Burgos and Zamora were executed at the gallows in Bagumbayan on February 28, 1872. The three martyred priests were collectively called the GOMBURZA.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Source

Edited February 11, 2009 by Mister_Bill

[Señorita Tessa 1]

Cause and Effect of the execution of Fathers Burgos, Gomez and Zamora

But such isolation was practicable only so long as the Europeans had to go by the Cape of Good Hope or the Straits of Magellan in order to reach the Far East, and before steam and electric, power had shortened distances. With the opening of the Suez Canal, the Philippines too was opened to the commerce of the civilized world. As a free and civilized nation, Spain was ashamed to imitate China by forbidding the islands to foreigners; besides, it did not have sufficient, strength to compel the great powers, if the need should arise, to abide by such a decision. Thanks to the increasing ease of communications events in Europe were already echoing in the ears of the Filipinos who, excited by these novelties, were beginning to think anew. Their awakening became even more thorough when the Filipino secular clergy, led by Father Burgos, appealed to the Spanish throne and Rome for the recovery of the parishes which the Spanish government had taken from them and given to the friars, confining the mselves to missionary work, should turn over all parishes to the Spanish and Filipino secular clergy in accordance with canon law. Since the friars were bound to lose the case because the petition was just and lawful, they put it about that the claimants were really agitators whose aim was to seize the parishes in order to organize an insurrection against the Spanish regime in the Philippines, The religious Orders claimed to be the sole support of Spanish rule and that, if they were removed from the parishes, the whole regime would come tumbling down, citing the precedent of the Mexican revolution which had been started by secular parish priests.

This is for the perusal of my fellow Ilocanos. Aren't we proud to have heroes of Ilocano heritage such as Padre Burgos, Juan and Antonio Luna, and Diego and Gabriela Silang, among others?

PADRE JOSÉ BURGOS

Manipud iti Wikipedia

Ni José Apolonio Burgos, (Febrero 9, 1837--Febrero 15, 1872), ket maysa nga Filipino-Español a padi a kasali iti tallo a papadi a maaw-awagan iti "Gomburza" a binitay dagiti autoridad nga Español iti Filipinas diay Bagumbayan, Manila idi maika-19 a siglo, iti pammabasol a kakumplotda iti Panagalsa iti Cavite nga inrusuat dagiti bumusbusor iti kolonial a turay nga Español idi Enero 20, 1872 (da Padre Mariano Gomez ken Padre Jacinto Zamora dagiti kakaduana).

Nayanak ni Padre Burgos diay Vigan, Ilocos Sur. Maysa nga oficial nga Español ti amana, ni Don José Tiburcio Burgos ken maysa a mestiza ti inana a ni Florencia Garcia. Nagbasa diay Colegio de San Juan de Letran ken diay Universidad de Santo Tomas a nakagun-odanna iti tallo a di graduado a degree nga addaan pammadayaw, dua a a masterado a degree ken dua a doctorado a degree. Inannongna ti umuna a misana diay Intramuros, Manila.

¡Viva Ilocos!

To Besame Mucho and mariquita linda - I just want to let you know that you 2 Ilocana comadres are cool! This goes to you too, Rocky, and to all Ilocano members of VJ. I am proud to say that my fiance is an Ilocano American and am I very glad that he is, and our union shall forever flourish!

[Señor Bonito 2]

PADRE JOSÉ BURGOS

The youngest among the three Filipino Martyr Priests(Fathers Mariano Gomez, Jose Burgos, and Jacinto Zamora), Father Jose Burgos was born in Vigan, Ilocos Sur on February 9, 1837. His parents were Jose Burgos and Florencia Garcia.

Young Jose's first teacher was his mother who taught him to read and write. After finishing his elementary grades in Vigan in 1849, he went to Manila and enrolled at the San Juan de Letran College where he excelled in all subjects. At the age of 17, he finished Bachiller en Artes with honors. He studied priesthood at the University of Santo Tomas and said his first mass at the Parroquia del Sagrario de Intramuros.

For his courageous defense of the cause of Filipino priesthood, Father Burgos earned for himself the name "Champion of the Cause of the Filipino Clergy" but incurred the hatred of the Spanish friars. Thus, when the Cavite mutiny broke out in 1872, the Spanish authorities arrested him together with Father Gomes and Father Zamora, charging them of having incited the revolution. After a mock trial at Fort Santiago on February 15, 1872, they were sentenced to die by means of the garrote, a Spanish strangulation by an iron collar tightened by a screw. On February 17, 1872, they were executed in Bagumbayan, now the Luneta.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Padre Jose Ma. Burgos studied in San Juan de Letran. He sought equal treatment for browns and whites. He was busy seeking reforms when the Cavite Revolt broke out in 1872.

Padre Burgos was suspected to be one of those inciting the people to revolt. On February 15, 1872, during a secret trial, three Filipino priests were sentenced to die at the gallows.

The three priests, Fathers Gomez, Burgos and Zamora were executed at the gallows in Bagumbayan on February 28, 1872. The three martyred priests were collectively called the GOMBURZA.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Source

Why was it that Padre Burgos was executed on 3 different days? The Ilocano Wikipedia, post # 183 above, says that he died on February 15, 1872. But, per Bullwinkle's source, Padres Burgos, Gomez & Zamora were executed on February 17, 1872 and on February 28, 1872. Now, I am thinking aloud as to which was the correct memorable day.

By the way, I am proud to be from the same town as Padre Burgos - Vigan, Ilocos Sur. There is a huge plaza in Vigan named Plaza Burgos and I remember, when I was just a little tyke, men on horseback compete in the "juego de anillo" contest held at Plaza Burgos at every town fiesta. Those were the days!

[Rocky_nBullwinkle 6]

After a mock trial at Fort Santiago on February 15, 1872, they were sentenced to die by means of the garrote, a Spanish strangulation by an iron collar tightened by a screw. On February 17, 1872, they were executed in Bagumbayan, now the Luneta.

My hubby says this was from the National Bookstore.

P.S.

Itakder tayo ti bandera ti Ilocano. Nalalaing amin nga Ilocano.

--- Rocky

[I AM NOT THAT GUY 5,715]

The Liga Filipina and the Katipunan

It is undeniable that in the Philippines the desire for improvement was great and widespread; it is not possible to explain otherwise the mistrust and hatred that the Filipinos, from the most ignorant to the most cultured, were beginning to feel toward the friars in the measure that they realized that the latter tenaciously opposed all reform. Time there was when the friars were wont to defend the natives against the rapacity of the encomenderos for in those days, the friars being in want and the Catholic religion not deeply rooted, they had great need of the confidence and love of their parishioners, whose trust and candour once exploited, they then became rich and arrogant. How was it that they forgot those sweet and gentle accents that had worked such miracles? It was because whoever, acts in bad faith corrupts himself, and the corrupt hearkens not to the voice of reason but to that of passion.

The love and respect that everyone professed for Rizal, Marcelo del Pilar and all the other patriots who collaborated with them in the great work of national regeneration manifested clearly and openly the political aspirations of the Filipinos. That La Solidaridad had faithfully interpreted those aspirations was likewise shown by the fact that its expenses were met by Filipinos residing in the islands, who were thus risking their personal safety and interests. From the start of the periodical's publication a number of Manila residents, calling themselves propagandists, distributed the issues which were smuggled into the city, and collected the subscriptions and contributions given by patriots in Manila and neighbouring provinces. At such times as they had occasion to visit the capital, well-to-do and educated persons from distant provinces were also wont to give their help. If the rich men of Manila contributed very little it was because they mistrusted the persons in charge of the funds, and feared for their own interests.

When he realized that these disorderly and ill-coordinated efforts yielded little, Rizal thought of organizing a society called Liga Filipina, which was inaugurated a few, days before his rustication to Dapitan in Mindanao. The statute of this association was limited to the establishment by the votes of its members of people's councils in the towns, a provincial council in every province, and a supreme council for the whole archipelago, but did not define the objectives of the association. I do not know if these objectives were defined in the inaugural meeting over which Rizal himself personally presided because I was not present and because I never had close relations with the illustrious doctor. I can only say that the society was dissolved a few days after its inauguration because of the banishment of its founder, and that, when it was reorganized later on the initiative of Don Domingo Franco, Andres Bonifacio, and others, they gave me the post of secretary of the supreme coun cil. We then fixed the objectives of the society in a short program couched in the following or equivalent language: to contribute to the support of La Solidaridad and the reforms it asked; to raise funds to meet the expenses not only of the periodical but also of the public meetings organized to support such reforms and of the (Spanish) parliamentarians who would advocate them; in brief, to have recourse to all peaceful and legal means, thus transforming the society into a political party.

The association did not have a better fate this time for it had to be dissolved after a few months of life. However, it had promising beginnings: the majority of the members of the supreme council were persons known for their learning, patriotism and social status; thanks to the efforts of Andres Bonifacio and others, people's councils were soon organized in Tondo and Trozo, and others were being organized in Santa Cruz, Ermita, Malate, Sampaloc, Pandacan, etc. Subsequently a small monthly contribution was required from every member, the proceeds of which were applied to the expenses of La Solidaridad, which were the most urgently to be met. The members paid their dues at first; later they stopped doing so on the pretext that they did not agree with the society's objectives because the Spanish government paid no attention to the periodical nor in fact would do so to any lawful activity. Upon investigation it then transpired that those commissioned to organize the people's councils had not required previous assent to the society's program as a condition for membership in the society; and that, on the contrary, Andres Bonifacio, who had recruited more members for the society with his tireless activity, was firmly convinced of the uselessness of peaceful means. The supreme council, which was more of an organizing committee because its members had not been elected by vote, saw clearly that, as soon as the rank and file elected their leaders according to the by-laws, the program, would be changed. The council understood f or the first time that the masses, whom the Spaniards believed to be br utish or at best indifferent, were in the vanguard where political aspirations were concerned. Realizing that the work of conciliation and compromise was bringing no results, the council declared the dissolution of the society so that the disagreements among its members should not lead to its discovery by the authorities. Those who were in favour of keeping up the fortnightly publication formed one group, called the Compromisarios because each one engaged to pay a monthly contribution of five pesos to meet its expenses. Andres Bonifacio, for his part, reorganized the society under the name of Katipunan ng manga Anak ng Bayan (Association of the Sons of the People), already with independence as its objective.

The Katipunan grew very rapidly because the insolent and provocative way in which the friars carried out their campaign (against reforms) had exasperated the masses. But if the organization of political associations had been permitted in the archipelago, and if the middle class, which was the most educated and influential, had been able to move freely, it could have undoubtedly calmed the people's anger and obstructed the growth of the Katipunan since that class was resolutely in favour of the Liga's program, even after having endured most cruel sufferings, and even more after the Pact of Biak-na-Bato.

Source

[I AM NOT THAT GUY 5,715]

From

The Philippine Revolution

by Apolinario Mabini

1969

First Stage of the Revolution

Less than a year afterward I heard that the Katipunan had spread all over the province of Manila and was beginning to branch out into Cavite and Bulacan. I foresaw the horrors which would follow its discovery by the authorities, but, having been unable to obstruct (its activities) before, much less could I do so now when I was already ill and was, besides, considered by the society's leaders as a very lukewarm patriot. In August 1896 the head of the printing press of the Diario de Manila, having discovered that some of his employees belonged to a secret society, handed them over to the constabulary for the corresponding investigation. Recourse was had to the usual methods of torture, and not only the Katipunan but also the Masonic brotherhood and other societies already dissolved, like the Liga and the Cuerpo de Compromisarios, were discovered. Warned in time, Bonifacio and his followers were able to flee to the mountains, and from there ordered the people's councils to rise or join them so as not to fall in the hands of the constabulary. The Spanish authorities, following the advice of the friars, decided to teach a terrible exemplary lesson and for this purpose seized not only the katipuneros but the Masons as well and all those who had belonged to the dissolved societies. Convinced that the insurrection could not be the work of the unlettered but rather of the country's educated class, they also ordered the arrest of all the prominent Filipinos in every province. The fate of the captured was cruel and horrible. The katipuneros had managed to put themselves beyond reach of the persecution in time, and only those who were not, were arrested. Since the latter were tortured to compel them to admit their complicity in the insurrection, and they knew nothing about it, they could not escape these sufferings. Many died as a result; many were executed under sentence of courts-martial; many others, shot without any trial at all; and still others, suffocated in grim dungeons. Those who suffered only imprisonment and deportation were lucky. Rizal was shot on the 30th December 1896 as the principal instigator of the movement, and those really guilty of giving cause for the Filipinos to hate the very name of Spaniard were praised for their patriotism.

Shortly before the outbreak of the insurrection Rizal, in order to put an end to an indefinite exile, had offered his medical services to the Spanish army campaigning in Cuba. The government having agreed to his proposal, he was taken from Dapitan and kept aboard a warship anchored in Manila Bay, awaiting transport to Spain. It was during this time that the insurrection happened to break out. Nonetheless the governor general sent Rizal on to Spain, whence he had to be sent back soon after because the judge advocate of the continuing court-martial demanded custody of Rizal to answer the charges against him that might appear from the evidence. Although Rizal's banishment to Dapitan eliminated all possibility of his active participation in the movement, he was found guilty of having been its chief instigator because, had it not been for the articles he had published in La Solidaridad and for his novels, the people would never have taken to politics. This judgment was totally incorrect because political activities in the Philippines antedated Rizal, because Rizal was only a personality created by the needs of these activities: if Rizal had not existed, somebody else would have played his role. The movement was by nature slow and gentle, it had become violent because obstructed. Rizal had not started the resistance, yet he was condemned to death: were he not innocent, he would not be a martyr.

In contrast to Burgos who wept because he died guiltless, Rizal went to the execution ground calm and even cheerful, to show that he was happy to sacrifice his life, which he had dedicated to the good of all the Filipinos, confident that in love and gratitude they would always remember him and follow his example and teaching. In truth the merit of Rizal's sacrifice consists precisely in that it was voluntary and conscious. He had known perfectly well that, if he denounced the abuses which the Spaniards were committing in the Philippines, they would not sleep in peace until they had encompassed his ruin; yet he did so because, if the abuses were not exposed, they would never be remedied. From the day Rizal understood the misfortunes of his native land and decided to work to redress them, his vivid imagination never ceased to picture to him at every moment of his life the terrors of the death that awaited him; thus he learned not to fear it, and had no fear when it came to take him away; the life of Rizal, from the time he dedicated it to the service of his native land, was therefore a continuing death, bravely endured until the end for love of his countrymen. God grant that they will know how to render to him the only tribute worth of his memory: the imitation of his virtues.

Such cruelties could do no less than arouse general indignation, and, rather than suffer them, the rebels preferred to die fighting even though armed only with bolos. Besides, the movement had more success in Cavite because the government forces there consisted only of small constabulary detachments scattered in different towns of the province, except for the port and arsenal which the rebels were unable to take. At that time the Katipunan had two people's councils in the province, one called Magdalo in Kawit led by Don Baldomero Aguinaldo, and the other, the Magdiwang in Noveleta under the orders of Mariano Alvarez. There were also a number of katipuneros in San Francisco de Malabon who obeyed the latter. Upon receiving Andres Bonifacio's order to rise, the katipuneros, helped by their friends, were able to surprise the constabulary barracks and kill the Spanish officers and sergeants in command. With the handful of arms thus captured, the citizens of Noveleta, under the command of Don Artemio Ricarte, threw back the forces of General Blanco on the 9th November 1896, while those of Kawit, under the orders of Don Emilio Aguinaldo, the town mayor, and of Don Candido Tirona, who died in the encounter, were able to retake, on the 11th of the same month, the powder-magazine of Binacayan, which had fallen to the Spaniards a few days before.

On the basis of these gains, the two people's councils took provincial jurisdiction, the towns of Kawit, Imus, Bacoor, Perez Dasmariñas, Silang, Mendez Nuñez, and Amadeo falling under Magdalo, and the remaining towns in the province under Magdiwang. Invited by some friends, Andres Bonifacio went to Cavite to unify the endeavors of the two, but Magdalo already paid little heed to his authority and orders. Fortunately, Don Edilberto Evangelista, a Manilan who was a civil engineer graduated from the University of Ghent in Belgium, put his services at the disposal of the insurrection and directed all the entrenchment and defense works which would give the Spanish forces so much trouble. General Polavieja, at the head of a considerable force, boldly decided to overrun the province of Cavite, and Edilberto, who was conducting the defense of the Sapote river, died fighting heroically on the 17th February 1897. From then on the Spanish forces were able to take one after the other the towns within the jurisdiction of the Magdalo council, whose members were finally compelled to withdraw to San Francisco de Malabon, there to meet with the Magdiwang and arrive at an agreement with the latter on the most appropriate measures for the defense of the province. For that purpose the members of both councils, together with the principal military leaders, gathered in the estate-house of Tejeros on the 12th March 1897. The assembly, presided over by Bonifacio, agreed on the election of a central government which would take charge of the general business of the insurrection. Don Emilio Aguinaldo was elected president, and Don Mariano Trias, vice-president. Bonifacio was elected director of the department of the interior, but, affronted when some of those present opposed his appointment because he was not educationally qualified, he walked out of the meeting, declaring that, as head of the Katipunan, he did not recognize the validity of the decisions, reached. Nevertheless those elected took possession of their offices and, in high dudgeon, Bonifacio went off with his two brothers to the mountains of San Mateo; but (Mr. Aguinaldo sent after him) two companies of soldiers were sent after him with orders to arrest him. Bonifacio resisted, and as a result he was wounded thrice, and one of his brothers and three of the soldiers were killed. The soldiers were able to take Bonifacio and his other brother to Naic, thence to Maragondon, and afterward to Mount Buntis where the two brothers were shot.

The general opinion finds no justification, not even mitigation, for such a manner of proceeding (on the part of Mr.. Aguinaldo). Andres Bonifacio had no less schooling than any of those elected in the aforesaid assembly, and he had shown an uncommon sagacity in organizing the Katipunan. All the electors were friends of Don Emilio Aguinaldo and Don Mariano Trias, who were united, while Bonifacio, although he had established his integrity, was looked upon with distrust only because he was not a native of the province: this explains his resentment. However, he did not show it by any act of turbulent defiance, for, seeing that no one was working for reconciliation, he was content with quitting the province for San Mateo in the company of his brothers. When it is considered that Mr. Aguinaldo (the elected leader) was primarily answerable for insubordination against the head of the Katipunan of which he was a member; when it is appreciated that reconciliation was the only solution proper in the critical state of the Revolution, the motive for the assassination cannot be ascribed except to feelings and judgments which deeply dishonor the former; in any case, such a crime was the first victory of personal ambition over true patriotism.

This tragedy smothered the enthusiasm for the revolutionary cause, and hastened the failure of the insurrection in Cavite, because many from Manila, Laguna and Batangas, who were fighting for the province (of Cavite), were demoralized and quit, and soon the so-called central government had to withdraw to the mountains of Biak-na-Bato in Bulacan. It could afford to remain there because the Spaniards ceased to attack it to cut down their casualties. Besides, Don Pedro A. Paterno offered himself to General Primo de Rivera as a negotiator with the leaders of the insurrection for what they called an honorable peace. Mr. Paterno was a purely volunteer mediator, that is to say, he had no official standing. The general's purpose, was to keep the revolutionary chieftains abroad because, once there, watched constantly by the operatives of the Spanish consulates, it would be very difficult for them to arm an expedition and return to the islands, and with this in mind he offered them money, safe-conduct and free passage. Reflecting that they would be compelled by lack of arms to surrender later under worse conditions, the chieftains accepted the offer, encouraged by a design to spend the money on the purchase of arms with which they would return to the archipelago at the first favorable opportunity. It was agreed that the government would give 400,000 to Mr. Aguinaldo and his companions in Hong Kong, 200,000 to the chieftains re maining in the islands, and 200,000 more some time after, perhaps in the light of the subsequent conduct of the chieftains who surrendered. For this part Mr. Aguinaldo promised to order all the people in arms to surrender and turn over their weapons to the Spanish authorities. To all appearances the pact of Biak-na-Bato gave the leaders of the Revolution an advantageous way out of an indefensible position. Since both parties were acting in bad faith, one of them could not complain if the other broke its pledges. But such a solution was far from enough to quench the general state of excitement because there was no public announcement of any specific covenant on the political reforms hoped for by the people. The Spanish government believed that, with the voluntary expatriation of some leaders and the unconditional surrender of some others, peace would soon be restored, but it was wholly mistaken. Only the grant of the reforms sought by La Solidaridad could have restored a spirit of peace, but, precisely to avoid such concessions, the Spanish government was using all the means suggested by diplomatic guile and skill. And so it came about that many of the discontented remained afield with forebodings of grave and unpredictable events.

Source

[Señor Bonito 2]

From

The Philippine Revolution

by Apolinario Mabini

1969

For that purpose the members of both councils, together with the principal military leaders, gathered in the estate-house of Tejeros on the 12th March 1897. The assembly, presided over by Bonifacio, agreed on the election of a central government which would take charge of the general business of the insurrection. Don Emilio Aguinaldo was elected president, and Don Mariano Trias, vice-president. Bonifacio was elected director of the department of the interior, but, affronted when some of those present opposed his appointment because he was not educationally qualified, he walked out of the meeting, declaring that, as head of the Katipunan, he did not recognize the validity of the decisions, reached. Nevertheless those elected took possession of their offices and, in high dudgeon, Bonifacio went off with his two brothers to the mountains of San Mateo; but (Mr. Aguinaldo sent after him) two companies of soldiers were sent after him with orders to arrest him. Bonifacio resisted, and as a result he was wounded thrice, and one of his brothers and three of the soldiers were killed. The soldiers were able to take Bonifacio and his other brother to Naic, thence to Maragondon, and afterward to Mount Buntis where the two brothers were shot.

The above paragraph further validates what every historian says, that Aguinaldo was responsible for Bonifacio's death. Aguinaldo, historians likewise say, also ordered the assassination of Gen. Antonio Luna in Cabanatuan, Nueva Ecija. No wonder why Aguinaldo is not high on the list of Filipino national heroes despite his being the "President of first Philippine Republic".

[I AM NOT THAT GUY 5,715]

From

The Philippine Revolution

by Apolinario Mabini

1969

Development of the Revolution

Because I had been a member of the Liga Filipina and one of the compromisarios, I too was indicted and imprisoned as one of the instigators of the rebellion. However, I had suffered a paralytic stroke six months before the uprising and I attribute to this circumstance my not having been beaten up and shot together with Don Domingo Franco and others. In the event I was covered by General Primo de Rivera's amnesty proclamation and set free by virtue thereof after having been confined for almost nine months in the prisoners' section of the San Juan de Dios hospital in Manila. Months afterwards, I moved to the town of Los Baños, and thence to Bay, in the province of La Laguna, where I drafted a scheme for the organization of a general uprising, which I judged to be imminent in view of the general restlessness. This transpired two months before the declaration of war between the United States and Spain, which was soon followed by the annihilation of the Spanish fleet in the Philippines by Admiral Dewey on the 1st May 1898, and Mr. Aguinaldo's return to, the island s. When the latter, upon arrival, proclaimed to the people the readiness of the United States to help the Filipinos regain their natural rights, everyone thought that the government of that country, recognizing Mr. Aguinaldo as the representative of the Filipino people, had entered into a formal agreement with him, and so each province, acknowledging his indisputable leadership, went into action to fight the Spanish forces within its boundaries. This impression was confirmed by the vague and equivocal statements of the American commanders.

One of the copies of the scheme which I had drafted reached Mr. Aguinaldo's hands by chance, and he thereupon wrote, although he did not know me, asking me to help him. Although I was just as unacquainted with him, I wanted to help in the common endeavour as far as I was able, and I called on him at Cavite port on the 12th June 1898, the very day on which the independence of the Philippines was being proclaimed in the town of Kawit. I immediately asked him about the agreement he had concluded with the United States Government, and to my great surprise learned that there was none, and that the (American) consul in Singapore, Pratt, and Admiral Dewey had only given him verbal assurances that the United States Government did not want any part of the islands and it designed only to help the natives destroy the Spanish tyranny so that all the Filipinos could enjoy the blessings of an independent government. I realized then that the American representatives had limited themselves to ambigu ous verbal promises, which Mr. Aguinaldo had accepted because he ardently desired to return to the islands, fearful that other influential Filipinos should (rob him of glory and) reach an understanding with the Americans in the name of the people. I realized also that the proclamation of independence which was being made that day was premature and imprudent because the Americans were concealing their true designs while we were making ours manifest. I foresaw, of course, that because of this want of caution the American commanders and forces would be on guard against the revolutionists, and the United States consuls on the China coast would sabotage the purchase of arms for the revolution. However, unable to prevent the proclamation because I had arrived too late to do so, I kept my peace and set myself to studying in detail the measures most urgently called for in the existing situation.

The sudden general uprising had at one blow destroyed the structure established by the Spanish administration in the provinces and towns of the archipelago, and it was therefore urgently necessary to found a new structure so that anarchy might not lead to fatal consequences. I proposed a scheme reorganizing the provinces and towns in the most democratic form possible in the circumstances and, with Mr. Aguinaldo's approval, it was carried out without loss of time. I followed this up with another proposal for the creation of the (government) departments needed for the orderly working of the central administration, as well as of an assembly or congress composed of two prominent residents of each province to advise Mr. Aguinaldo and propose measures for the common welfare and the attainment of the longed for rights. This congress would not have legislative functions because the state of war required an concentration of powers necessary for swift action, but I considered its creation indi spensable so that the provinces should not distrust the dictatorial authority of Mr. Aguinaldo. He approved my proposal and offered to make me the head of one of the new departments. I was not sure I was fit for the job because of my illness, and declined the offer, but for the time being I handled the limited amount of business regarding foreign relations until such time as Mr. Arellano, who had been offered this portfolio because of his recognized competence, should take over.

By this time General Anderson's brigade had already landed in Cavite, and the remaining forces commanded by General Merritt were beginning to arrive, making relations with the Americans more troublesome. On the other hand, the siege of Manila by the Filipino forces was stalled because of the lack of coordination in the activities of the columns operating in the different zones, and Aguinaldo, who, by virtue of his prestige, could alone impose such unity, could not make up his mind to take personal command of the operation. If the Filipinos had been able to take Manila before the arrival of General Merritt's forces, relations with the Americans would have been cleared up from the start. But it did not turn out that way. The Americans landed in Paranaque and attacked Manila, ignoring the Filipino besieging forces. Many Filipino military commanders were of the opinion that this behaviour was sufficient cause for the opening of hostilities against the Americans, but I advised Mr. Aguinald o to try to avoid the conflict at all costs because otherwise we would be facing two enemies, and the most likely result would be the partition of the islands between them.

After the capitulation of Manila, the Philippine, Government moved from Bacoor, Cavite, to Malolos, Bulacan, where the newly created Congress held its first session. The first results of this assembly's deliberations were the ratification of the proclamation of independence prematurely made in Kawit, and the decision to draft a constitution for the establishment of a Philippine Republic. I should note that, although Mr. Arellano had not yet assumed office as Secretary of Foreign Affairs, his deputy, Don Trinidad H. Pardo de Tavera, had taken over the business of the department, so that I was then simply Mr. Aguinaldo's private adviser. As such I advised him to address a message to Congress, reminding it that Congress should not draft a constitution because it was not a constitutional convention; that neither could Congress enact laws because it had no legislative functions; and that its principal and urgent duty was to determine the best system for the organization of our armed forces and the raising of the funds needed for their maintenance, the plans agreed upon to be submitted to him. He was to add further that it was not the opportune time for the drafting of a constitution since the ind ependence of the Philippines was not yet officially recognized; that, once independence had been embodied in a constitution, the Philippine Government would be violating the fundamental law of the State; and that, in those arduous circumstances, I was of the opinion that the Government should have freedom of actin to negotiate an agreement which would prevent the horrors of war with the United States, on condition that such an agreement should bring positive benefits to the country and recognize the natural rights of the citizens. Mr. Aguinaldo submitted my opinion to the consideration of the members of his cabinet, I do not know in what terms; what I certainly know is that not only was my advice rejected but I was also bitterly criticized for holding tyrannical ideas and inculcating them in the head of the government. On account of these unfortunate services political scandal-mongers nicknamed me "Devil's Advocate to the President". Seeing that my advice was not only useless but even resented by th e cabinet members, and fearing that they would blame me for their own failures, I tried to disassociate myself from Mr. Aguinaldo moving to another house against his wishes, but he immediately ordered the installation of a telephone connexion between his house and my new residence, so that, to my discomfiture, I continued to play the part of devil's advocate. I limited this to giving my opinion on matters of great gravity and importance, and suggesting to Mr. Aguinaldo that it was his duty to lend his support to the actuations of his secretaries so long as they did not give evidence of unfitness or sufficient motive to believe they were abusing his confidence.

After a long wait, Mr. Arellano finally stated that he could not discharge the office of Secretary of Foreign Affairs, in view of which Mr. Aguinaldo insisted that I should take charge of the department. I accepted for the purpose of seeking an understanding with the United States Government before the proposed constitution was voted upon by the Philippine Congress, and assumed office on the 2nd January 1899. All my efforts failed because the Treaty of Paris, concluded on the 10th December the previous year, had vested in the Congress of the United States the authority to determine the civil rights and the political status of the Filipinos, and Congress -- according to the emphatic assurances of General Otis -- would not exercise that authority so long as the Filipinos were up in arms. Since the administration in Washington had a majority in Congress, it was very likely that the latter would take a decision, in accordance with the wishes of the administration; but if we surrendered unco nditionally, leaving our political fate at its mercy, the Americans would no longer have any doubts about our unfitness because, by not defending our freedom, we would be showing our little understanding and love for it. We had therefore to choose between war and the charge of unfitness. Amid this crisis, the Constitution of the Philippine Republic, already definitely voted upon and approved, was sent to the government for promulgation. I was still trying to delay it because of the gravity of the situation, but seeing that on the one hand, the representatives were obdurate and threatened a scandal, and that, oh the other hand, an understanding with the American Government was impossible because of its refusal to recognize our juridical existence and its insistence on unconditional surrender, I had to give in especially since Mr. Aguinaldo too was in favour of the promulgation. I did not yet have reason to even suspect that the most determined advocates of the promulgation of the Constitution would be the leas t ready to defend it at the least sign of danger to their persons and interests. Apprehending that war was inevitable, I limited my efforts to preventing the aggression from coming from our side, convinced that our weakness could not justify any provocation.

Meantime, on the other side of the sea, in the capital of the Republic of the United States, things were happening which merit all possible attention. The ratification of the Treaty of Paris was being postponed and delayed in the Senate by the stubborn opposition of the Democrats, and this persuaded President McKinley to stage what is called a coup d'etat. In the night of the 4th February, 1899 the American forces started an action that led to the outbreak of hostilities, and the news was immediately communicated to Washington. The likelihood of new complications with Spain, and perhaps with other powers, put an end to all opposition, and the treaty was ratified by the Senate on the 6th February. 'The amount, of $20,000,000 stipulated for the cession of the Philippines was appropriated by Congress on the 2nd March. The instruments of ratification having been exchanged on the 11th April, the price for the cession was paid on the lst May, thus consummating the purchase and sale. Elsewhere Senator McEnery, explaining the administration's objectives, proposed in the Senate, that the United States declare it did not intend to annex the islands permanently, but rather to prepare the inhabitants for an autonomous government which would promote American and Filipino interests. For his part, Senator Bacon, expressing the wishes of the opposition, proposed an amendment asking the United States to declare that it renounce all purpose of exercising sovereignty, jurisdictions and control over the islands since its intention was to hand over their government and administration to the Filipinos when the latter should have established a stable government worthy of recognition. This amendment was put to a vote and 29 senators voted in favour, and another 29 against. The Vice-President of the United States, Hobart, as President of the Senate, broke the tie by giving his casting vote to those against, thus leading to the approval of the McEnery proposal, that is to say, the administration's policy. Under this proposal the Philippines can be neither a territory nor a state because it should not be permanently annexed to the United States, but, as property bought by. the United States, the latter can dispose of the Philippines at its discretion, that is to say, without the limitations of its Constitution. If the United States is the absolute owner of the islands, Congress has absolute power to legislate on them, and hence can fix at it's discretion the political status and civil rights of the inhabitants. If the latter enjoy life and liberty, it is not because they have an inborn right to them, by virtue of natural law, but because the United States Congress so wishes.. Undoubtedly President McKinley destroyed the Spanish tyranny, but, apparently, only in order to replace it with another in the American manner. It is interesting to observe that the Republican Party, led by a Lincoln in its beginnings, freed many millions o f slaves in the United States, while, led by a McKinley in its greatest period of vigour and prosperity, it made the United States the absolute owner of many millions of Filipinos. Immortal Washington, speaking of the Constitution of the United States, said that so long as the civic virtues did not wholly vanish among the classes of North-American society, the distribution of powers made in that Constitution would not permit an unjust policy to become permanent. God grant that the Americans do not, forget the father of their country, or defraud his fond hopes!

Source

[honeysweet 1]

Philippine HistoryEarly History -The Negritos are believed to have migrated to the Philippines some 30,000 years ago from Borneo, Sumatra, and Malaya. The Malayans followed in successive waves. These people belonged to a primitive epoch of Malayan culture, which has apparently survived to this day among certain groups such as the Igorots. The Malayan tribes that came later had more highly developed material cultures.

In the 14th cent. Arab traders from Malay and Borneo introduced Islam into the southern islands and extended their influence as far north as Luzon. The first Europeans to visit (1521) the Philippines were those in the Spanish expedition around the world led by the Portuguese explorer Ferdinand Magellan. Other Spanish expeditions followed, including one from New Spain (Mexico) under López de Villalobos, who in 1542 named the islands for the infante Philip, later Philip II.

Spanish Control - The conquest of the Filipinos by Spain did not begin in earnest until 1564, when another expedition from New Spain, commanded by Miguel López de Legaspi, arrived. Spanish leadership was soon established over many small independent communities that previously had known no central rule. By 1571, when López de Legaspi established the Spanish city of Manila on the site of a Moro town he had conquered the year before, the Spanish foothold in the Philippines was secure, despite the opposition of the Portuguese, who were eager to maintain their monopoly on the trade of East Asia.

Manila repulsed the attack of the Chinese pirate Limahong in 1574. For centuries before the Spanish arrived the Chinese had traded with the Filipinos, but evidently none had settled permanently in the islands until after the conquest. Chinese trade and labor were of great importance in the early development of the Spanish colony, but the Chinese came to be feared and hated because of their increasing numbers, and in 1603 the Spanish murdered thousands of them (later, there were lesser massacres of the Chinese).

The Spanish governor, made a viceroy in 1589, ruled with the advice of the powerful royal audiencia. There were frequent uprisings by the Filipinos, who resented the encomienda system. By the end of the 16th cent. Manila had become a leading commercial center of East Asia, carrying on a flourishing trade with China, India, and the East Indies. The Philippines supplied some wealth (including gold) to Spain, and the richly laden galleons plying between the islands and New Spain were often attacked by English freebooters. There was also trouble from other quarters, and the period from 1600 to 1663 was marked by continual wars with the Dutch, who were laying the foundations of their rich empire in the East Indies, and with Moro pirates. One of the most difficult problems the Spanish faced was the subjugation of the Moros. Intermittent campaigns were conducted against them but without conclusive results until the middle of the 19th cent. As the power of the Spanish Empire waned, the Jesuit orders became more influential in the Philippines and acquired great amounts of property.

Revolution, War, and U.S. Control - It was the opposition to the power of the clergy that in large measure brought about the rising sentiment for independence. Spanish injustices, bigotry, and economic oppressions fed the movement, which was greatly inspired by the brilliant writings of José Rizal. In 1896 revolution began in the province of Cavite, and after the execution of Rizal that December, it spread throughout the major islands. The Filipino leader, Emilio Aguinaldo, achieved considerable success before a peace was patched up with Spain. The peace was short-lived, however, for neither side honored its agreements, and a new revolution was brewing when the Spanish-American War broke out in 1898.

After the U.S. naval victory in Manila Bay on May 1, 1898, Commodore George Dewey supplied Aguinaldo with arms and urged him to rally the Filipinos against the Spanish. By the time U.S. land forces had arrived, the Filipinos had taken the entire island of Luzon, except for the old walled city of Manila, which they were besieging. The Filipinos had also declared their independence and established a republic under the first democratic constitution ever known in Asia. Their dreams of independence were crushed when the Philippines were transferred from Spain to the United States in the Treaty of Paris (1898), which closed the Spanish-American War.

In Feb., 1899, Aguinaldo led a new revolt, this time against U.S. rule. Defeated on the battlefield, the Filipinos turned to guerrilla warfare, and their subjugation became a mammoth project for the United States—one that cost far more money and took far more lives than the Spanish-American War. The insurrection was effectively ended with the capture (1901) of Aguinaldo by Gen. Frederick Funston, but the question of Philippine independence remained a burning issue in the politics of both the United States and the islands. The matter was complicated by the growing economic ties between the two countries. Although comparatively little American capital was invested in island industries, U.S. trade bulked larger and larger until the Philippines became almost entirely dependent upon the American market. Free trade, established by an act of 1909, was expanded in 1913.

When the Democrats came into power in 1913, measures were taken to effect a smooth transition to self-rule. The Philippine assembly already had a popularly elected lower house, and the Jones Act, passed by the U.S. Congress in 1916, provided for a popularly elected upper house as well, with power to approve all appointments made by the governor-general. It also gave the islands their first definite pledge of independence, although no specific date was set.

When the Republicans regained power in 1921, the trend toward bringing Filipinos into the government was reversed. Gen. Leonard Wood, who was appointed governor-general, largely supplanted Filipino activities with a semimilitary rule. However, the advent of the Great Depression in the United States in the 1930s and the first aggressive moves by Japan in Asia (1931) shifted U.S. sentiment sharply toward the granting of immediate independence to the Philippines.

The Commonwealth - The Hare-Hawes Cutting Act, passed by Congress in 1932, provided for complete independence of the islands in 1945 after 10 years of self-government under U.S. supervision. The bill had been drawn up with the aid of a commission from the Philippines, but Manuel L. Quezon, the leader of the dominant Nationalist party, opposed it, partially because of its threat of American tariffs against Philippine products but principally because of the provisions leaving naval bases in U.S. hands. Under his influence, the Philippine legislature rejected the bill. The Tydings-McDuffie Independence Act (1934) closely resembled the Hare-Hawes Cutting Act, but struck the provisions for American bases and carried a promise of further study to correct “imperfections or inequalities.”

The Philippine legislature ratified the bill; a constitution, approved by President Roosevelt (Mar., 1935) was accepted by the Philippine people in a plebiscite (May); and Quezon was elected the first president (Sept.). When Quezon was inaugurated on Nov. 15, 1935, the Commonwealth of the Philippines was formally established. Quezon was reelected in Nov., 1941. To develop defensive forces against possible aggression, Gen. Douglas MacArthur was brought to the islands as military adviser in 1935, and the following year he became field marshal of the Commonwealth army.

World War II - War came suddenly to the Philippines on Dec. 8 (Dec. 7, U.S. time), 1941, when Japan attacked without warning. Japanese troops invaded the islands in many places and launched a pincer drive on Manila. MacArthur’s scattered defending forces (about 80,000 troops, four fifths of them Filipinos) were forced to withdraw to Bataan Peninsula and Corregidor Island, where they entrenched and tried to hold until the arrival of reinforcements, meanwhile guarding the entrance to Manila Bay and denying that important harbor to the Japanese. But no reinforcements were forthcoming. The Japanese occupied Manila on Jan. 2, 1942. MacArthur was ordered out by President Roosevelt and left for Australia on Mar. 11; Lt. Gen. Jonathan Wainwright assumed command.

The besieged U.S.-Filipino army on Bataan finally crumbled on Apr. 9, 1942. Wainwright fought on from Corregidor with a garrison of about 11,000 men; he was overwhelmed on May 6, 1942. After his capitulation, the Japanese forced the surrender of all remaining defending units in the islands by threatening to use the captured Bataan and Corregidor troops as hostages. Many individual soldiers refused to surrender, however, and guerrilla resistance, organized and coordinated by U.S. and Philippine army officers, continued throughout the Japanese occupation.

Japan’s efforts to win Filipino loyalty found expression in the establishment (Oct. 14, 1943) of a “Philippine Republic,” with José P. Laurel, former supreme court justice, as president. But the people suffered greatly from Japanese brutality, and the puppet government gained little support. Meanwhile, President Quezon, who had escaped with other high officials before the country fell, set up a government-in-exile in Washington. When he died (Aug., 1944), Vice President Sergio Osmeña became president. Osmeña returned to the Philippines with the first liberation forces, which surprised the Japanese by landing (Oct. 20, 1944) at Leyte, in the heart of the islands, after months of U.S. air strikes against Mindanao. The Philippine government was established at Tacloban, Leyte, on Oct. 23.

The landing was followed (Oct. 23–26) by the greatest naval engagement in history, called variously the battle of Leyte Gulf and the second battle of the Philippine Sea. A great U.S. victory, it effectively destroyed the Japanese fleet and opened the way for the recovery of all the islands. Luzon was invaded (Jan., 1945), and Manila was taken in February. On July 5, 1945, MacArthur announced “All the Philippines are now liberated.” The Japanese had suffered over 425,000 dead in the Philippines.

The Philippine congress met on June 9, 1945, for the first time since its election in 1941. It faced enormous problems. The land was devastated by war, the economy destroyed, the country torn by political warfare and guerrilla violence. Osmeña’s leadership was challenged (Jan., 1946) when one wing (now the Liberal party) of the Nationalist party nominated for president Manuel Roxas, who defeated Osmeña in April.

The Republic of the Philippines - Manuel Roxas became the first president of the Republic of the Philippines when independence was granted, as scheduled, on July 4, 1946. In Mar., 1947, the Philippines and the United States signed a military assistance pact (since renewed) and the Philippines gave the United States a 99-year lease on designated military, naval, and air bases (a later agreement reduced the period to 25 years beginning 1967). The sudden death of President Roxas in Apr., 1948, elevated the vice president, Elpidio Quirino, to the presidency, and in a bitterly contested election in Nov., 1949, Quirino defeated José Laurel to win a four-year term of his own.

The enormous task of reconstructing the war-torn country was complicated by the activities in central Luzon of the Communist-dominated Hukbalahap guerrillas (Huks), who resorted to terror and violence in their efforts to achieve land reform and gain political power. They were finally brought under control (1954) after a vigorous attack launched by the minister of national defense, Ramón Magsaysay. By that time Magsaysay was president of the country, having defeated Quirino in Nov., 1953. He had promised sweeping economic changes, and he did make progress in land reform, opening new settlements outside crowded Luzon island. His death in an airplane crash in Mar., 1957, was a serious blow to national morale. Vice President Carlos P. García succeeded him and won a full term as president in the elections of Nov., 1957.

In foreign affairs, the Philippines maintained a firm anti-Communist policy and joined the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization in 1954. There were difficulties with the United States over American military installations in the islands, and, despite formal recognition (1956) of full Philippine sovereignty over these bases, tensions increased until some of the bases were dismantled (1959) and the 99-year lease period was reduced. The United States rejected Philippine financial claims and proposed trade revisions.

Philippine opposition to García on issues of government corruption and anti-Americanism led, in June, 1959, to the union of the Liberal and Progressive parties, led by Vice President Diosdado Macapagal, the Liberal party leader, who succeeded García as president in the 1961 elections. Macapagal’s administration was marked by efforts to combat the mounting inflation that had plagued the republic since its birth; by attempted alliances with neighboring countries; and by a territorial dispute with Britain over North Borneo (later Sabah), which Macapagal claimed had been leased and not sold to the British North Borneo Company in 1878.

Marcos and After - Ferdinand E. Marcos, who succeeded to the presidency after defeating Macapagal in the 1965 elections, inherited the territorial dispute over Sabah; in 1968 he approved a congressional bill annexing Sabah to the Philippines. Malaysia suspended diplomatic relations (Sabah had joined the Federation of Malaysia in 1963), and the matter was referred to the United Nations. (The Philippines dropped its claim to Sabah in 1978.) The Philippines became one of the founding countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1967. The continuing need for land reform fostered a new Huk uprising in central Luzon, accompanied by mounting assassinations and acts of terror, and in 1969, Marcos began a major military campaign to subdue them. Civil war also threatened on Mindanao, where groups of Moros opposed Christian settlement. In Nov., 1969, Marcos won an unprecedented reelection, easily defeating Sergio Osmeña, Jr., but the election was accompanied by violence and charges of fraud, and Marcos’s second term began with increasing civil disorder.

In Jan., 1970, some 2,000 demonstrators tried to storm Malacañang Palace, the presidential residence; riots erupted against the U.S. embassy. When Pope Paul VI visited Manila in Nov., 1970, an attempt was made on his life. In 1971, at a Liberal party rally, hand grenades were thrown at the speakers’ platform, and several people were killed. President Marcos declared martial law in Sept., 1972, charging that a Communist rebellion threatened. The 1935 constitution was replaced (1973) by a new one that provided the president with direct powers. A plebiscite (July, 1973) gave Marcos the right to remain in office beyond the expiration (Dec., 1973) of his term. Meanwhile the fighting on Mindanao had spread to the Sulu Archipelago. By 1973 some 3,000 people had been killed and hundreds of villages burned. Throughout the 1970s poverty and governmental corruption increased, and Imelda Marcos, Ferdinand’s wife, became more influential.

Martial law remained in force until 1981, when Marcos was reelected, amid accusations of electoral fraud. On Aug. 21, 1983, opposition leader Benigno Aquino was assassinated at Manila airport, which incited a new, more powerful wave of anti-Marcos dissent. After the Feb., 1986, presidential election, both Marcos and his opponent, Corazon Aquino (the widow of Benigno), declared themselves the winner, and charges of massive fraud and violence were leveled against the Marcos faction. Marcos’s domestic and international support eroded, and he fled the country on Feb. 25, 1986, eventually obtaining asylum in the United States.

Aquino’s government faced mounting problems, including coup attempts, significant economic difficulties, and pressure to rid the Philippines of the U.S. military presence (the last U.S. bases were evacuated in 1992). In 1990, in response to the demands of the Moros, a partially autonomous Muslim region was created in the far south. In 1992, Aquino declined to run for reelection and was succeeded by her former army chief of staff Fidel Ramos. He immediately launched an economic revitalization plan premised on three policies: government deregulation, increased private investment, and political solutions to the continuing insurgencies within the country. His political program was somewhat successful, opening dialogues with the Marxist and Muslim guerillas. However, Muslim discontent with partial rule persisted, and unrest and violence continued throughout the 1990s. In 1999, Marxist rebels and Muslim separatists formed an alliance to fight the government.

Several natural disasters, including the 1991 eruption of Mt. Pinatubo on Luzon and a succession of severe typhoons, slowed the country’s economic progress. However, the Philippines escaped much of the economic turmoil seen in other East Asian nations in 1997 and 1998, in part by following a slower pace of development imposed by the International Monetary Fund. Joseph Marcelo Estrada, a former movie actor, was elected president in 1998, pledging to help the poor and develop the country’s agricultural sector. In 1999 he announced plans to amend the constitution in order to remove protectionist provisions and attract more foreign investment.

Late in 2000, Estrada’s presidency was buffeted by charges that he accepted millions of dollars in payoffs from illegal gambling operations. Although his support among the poor Filipino majority remained strong, many political, business, and church leaders called for him to resign. In Nov., 2000, Estrada was impeached by the house of representatives on charges of graft, but the senate, controlled by Estrada’s allies, provoked a crisis (Jan., 2001) when it rejected examining the president’s bank records. As demonstrations against Estrada mounted and members of his cabinet resigned, the supreme court stripped him of the presidency, and Vice President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was sworn in as Estrada’s successor.

Macapagal-Arroyo was elected president in her own right in May, 2004, but the balloting was marred by violence and irregularities as well as a tedious vote-counting process that was completed six weeks after the election.

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Philippine Culture

This is the one thing that separates us from the rest of the world - our colorful and lively culture that makes us distinctly Filipino. This includes traditions, language, arts, etc. which are found in museums, churches and galleries, found within the heart of the key cities.

Most provinces have their own identifying folk dances too wherein they showcase the elegance and beauty of the way we do things, the way we dress, the way we see things as shown in different paintings, as we have been influenced by events that happened in our history.

That’s not all. When you have lived in the Philippines long enough, you’ll know that it’s not an exaggeration to say there is a town that’s celebrating its fiesta every single day.

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Philippine Games

AGAWAN BASE (Capture the Base)

From:

Pronounced as: a-ga-wan base

Participants: As many as possible - the more the merrier.

Participants are divided into two teams with equal number of team members. The object of the game is for one team to try & capture the base of the other by reaching the other's home base first & tagging a pre-decided item (e.g., a tree trunk, a rock, etc) symbolizing the opposite team - without getting tagged by the defending members of the opposite team. A safety line is drawn between the two teams. A member of an opposing team who crosses the safety line into the territory of the other team can be chased & tagged by the team that owns that base. If the attacker gets tagged before he/she manages to get back to his/her safety zone or home base, he/she becomes a prisoner (POW) of the opposite team. He/she can be rescued by his/her teammates if one of his/her teammates manage to get close to the base & tag the POW without getting tagged himself/herself by the guard or one of the defenders in the opposing team.

The game ends when a member of an opposing team manages to tag the symbol of the other team or when all the members of one team are captured by the other leaving their homebase free for the opposite team to attack & capture.

This game is similar to the Capture the Flag game which is the basis for the 90s adult game called Paintball Combat Game which has gained popularity over recent years. Tagging has been substituted for airpistols/guns with water-soluble paint as ammunitions for the guns.

BANOG-BANOG (The Hawk & The Chicken)

From:

Pronounced as: bah-nog-bah-nog

Participants:

a. Banog or hawk, usually played by the biggest boy or girl in group

b. Mother hen, usually played by a girl

c. Chicks, played by any number of girls and boys

This game is a favorite among children aged 6 to 12. It is an imitation game, imitating the antics of the hawk who preys on chicken to feed their young. Before the game starts, the group selects a boy to play the banog and a girl to play the mother hen whose duty is to protect the chicks from the hawk's attack. The rest play the chicks. When the game starts, the hawk and the mother hen face each other. The chicks stay in one line behind the mother hen, each holding on to the waist of the person in front of him/her. This line is not supposed to be broken. The chick who breaks out of the line opens him/herself up to the danger of being caught by the hawk. The game starts after an agreed count, then the hawk begins to crack down on the mother hen's defense to get to the chicks. He runs hither & thither, generally trying to confuse the hen and the chicks as to his area of attack. When he cannot catch any chick this way, he suddenly swoops down at the very end of the line to get to the last chick who is usually unprotected. The mother hen dashes down the line to save her chick but this results in making the chicks behind her break the line and fall, thus making them easy prey for the hawk. The game continues until the majority of the chicks are caught by the hawk.

A variation of the game would be to allow the mother hen to get back her chicks. While the hawk is busy catching the other chicks, the mother hen will go to the hawk's camp & try to steal back her chicks. This makes the game take longer to finish & usually, the way it's ended is when everybody (especially the hawk & the mother hen) is too exhausted & everybody agrees to stop.

BORDON

Pronounced as: bor-don

Bordon is a parlor game usually played after prayers for the dead or during wakes.

Any number of players can play this game. The participants sit in a circle with both hands joined. A leader (IT) stays at the center. A ring is secretly passed around by a member as they sing the bordon (you can substitute a song of your own here if you don't know the bordon song). The leader tries to guess where the ring is. He continues guessing until he succeeds in pointing at the person who holds it. The holder of the ring guessed by the leader becomes the "it", and he takes the place of the leader.

BUWAN-BUWAN or BAKUNAWA

Number of Players: At least 8 - 6 for the circle & 1 to play the buwan (moon) & 1 to play the bakunawa (eclipse).

All the players except the buwan and the bakunawa stand in a circle facing in and holding each other's hands. The buwan stands inside the circle while the bakunawa stands outside. The object of the game is for the bakunawa to tag the buwan. The rest of the players try to prevent the bakunawa from doing so by holding on to each other & running around the circle as fast as they & not letting go.

For the bakunawa to get into the circle, the bakunawa asks one of the players, "What chain is this?" to which the player replies, "An iron chain!" An iron chain is supposed to be unbreakable so the bakunawa tries another player. A player who would like to let the bakunawa in could say, "This is an abaca chain" and lets go. This is done when the bakunawa is feeling tired from running around. Sometimes the bakunawa also tries to get in by going under the linked hands - if the player chosen as the bakunawa is fast & small enough, this can be easily accomplished. As soon as the bakunawa succeeds in getting in, the circle players will let the buwan out of the circle. The bakunawa then tries to break out of the linked hands again to try & get out to catch the buwan. When the bakunawa succeeds in catching the buwan, they exchange places or if both of them are too tired, another pair from the circle of players are chosen as the new bakunawa and buwan.

CHATO

From: Rick Nuqui

Chato is played by digging a small hole on the ground and using 2 sticks - a short and a long one. Put the short stick on the hole with one end protruding out; hit that end with the long stick and while the short stick is in the air, try and hit it again as far as it can go. Then measure the distance using the long stick as the yardstick. The winner then gets to hit the short stick, starting from the hole, as many times as his winnings. The loser has to run from that distance back to the hole, all the while shouting "CHAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAATO"! If he/she loses his breath while running, the winner hits the small stick again from that point, and the loser has to run and shout again.

GAGAMBA

Pronounced as: ga-gam-ba

Played by two people, each having their own "champion spider". An arbiter will then conduct the spider match on a little stick. The victor will be the spider that eats-up the other one first. Similar to sabungan.

HABULAN ESTATWA

Pronounced as: ha-bu-lan es-tat-wa

Translated literally to English as "Chase Statue". The game is played by any number of players. At least 4 players will be fun enough.

Select the "it".

Game is played by the "it" chasing everyone.

Once the "it" tags someone, the person tagged must "freeze" or become a "statue" in the position he/she was tagged.

If the "statue" moves (voluntarily or not), then he becomes the new "it". Everyone else (tagged or not) is free to run.

If an untagged player manages to tag a "statue", then the statue can move and play again. Naturally, the "it" will defend his "catch".

If the "it" manages to tag everyone, he will then wait for someone to move again. Once one of the "statues" move he becomes the new "it". Everyone else is free to move and run-away from the new "it".

Play until all players are exhausted.

HARANGANG TAGA or TUBIGAN

English translation: Three Nights

Number of Players: Six or More

Best Place to Play: Outdoors with Plenty of Space

This game is very similar to Patintero with just a slight variation in the number of squares that the two teams cover and it also has a slight variation in scoring. In certain regions of the Philippines though, harangang taga is the same as patintero. Some children also prefer playing this game on a dirt area and use water to make the lines. Thus it is usually played on a moonlit evening to prevent rapid evaporation of the water lines.

The players are divided into two teams of equal numbers. The ground is marked off in a rectangle about five or six meters, divided into four equal parts.

t1 to t4 = taggers 1-4

t1 _ ________|________ B = base (starting point)

| | |

| | |

t2 --|-------+-------|

| | |

| | |

t3 --|-------+-------| H = halfway point

Winning the jack-en-poy or toss or "umpiang" entitles the players on that team to be runners. The taggers stand on lines 1, 2, and 3. Tagger 1 can go anywhere (that is, the inside & outside lines of the entire square whereas taggers 2 & 3 are only allowed within their horizontal lines) to tag the runners. The object of the runners is to get through all the lines: 1, 2, and 3 starting from the base across the halfway point & then back to the base without being tagged. Taggers 1, 2, 3 try to tag the runners as they cross the lines or as they get near them. As soon as one of the runners crosses line 3 & back to line 1 without being tagged, the runner calls out "tubig" (water). This means a "night" (point) is scored in favor of the runner's team. If a runner is tagged while crossing a line or while trying to cross a line, the teams exchange places and it becomes the turn of the taggers' team to run. The first team to earn three consecutive nights are the winners.

Consequence: The losers carry the winners on their backs to and fro or the winners slaps the hands or make "pitik" (a process wherein one uses the middle finger to hit as hard as one can the knuckles of another person) of the losers for an agreed number of times.

IRING-IRING

English translation: Dropping the Handkerchief

Any number of players form a circle. An IT is chosen via the Jack-en-poy or counting-rhyme method. The IT goes around the circle and drops the handkerchief slyly behind one of the players in the circle. If the person notices the handkerchief, the person picks up the handkerchief & chases the IT around the circle. The IT has to reach the vacant space left by the person chasing before IT is tagged, otherwise, the IT has to take back the handkerchief and repeat the process all over again. If the IT does succeed to claim the vacant space, then the person who used to occupy that vacant space (the person chasing the IT) becomes the new IT. If the IT succeeds in making one trip around the circle without the player in the circle noticing that the handkerchief was dropped behind him/her, that player becomes the new IT

A variation that we used to do is not use a handkerchief at all since it is so easy to detect the handkerchief. Rather, we just use our hands to tap lightly the chosen "victim" in the circle.

Also, sometimes to make it more interesting & lively, before the new IT starts choosing a new "victim", he/she is penalized by being asked to choose between doing "truth or consequence." The "truth" penalty would allow a member of the circle chosen by the person being penalized to ask him/her personal questions such as "Who is your crush?" or some silly question... The "consequence" penalty would include dancing or singing or reciting a poem, etc... The point to all these is to make the chasing more challenging since if one doesn't succeed in getting back to his/her place, one is surely going to get some kind of penalty. One has to be a good runner when one is playing this game

JUEGO DE PRENDA

English translation: Game of Penalty

During a vigil for the dead, juego de prenda is played so that people will not fall asleep while watching the dead.

Any number of players may play. The more the merrier. Players sit in a circle with the leader in the middle. Each player adopts a name of a tree or flower. The leader recounts the story of a lost bird that was owned by a king. He says, "The bird of the king was lost yesterday. Did you find it Ylang-Ylang?" The player who adopts the name of the Ylang-Ylang tree at once answers that she has not found it; so the leader continues to ask the other trees whether the bird has hidden in them. If a player cannot answer at once after the third count, he is made to deposit a thing he owns with the leader until the leader has many things gathered from the members.

The penalty begins. Each one can only regain his belonging by reciting a prayer or a verse. Once a player has complied with the penalty, what he has deposited is returned to him. A variation of the penalty might be truth or consequence.

PATINTERO

Pronounced as: pah-tin-teh-roh

This is played by an even number of people, at least 4 people, but a good number would be 6 or 8 (the more the merrier-but it gets more difficult to win). You must also have enough space to play this game--it is basically an outdoor game. Select a relatively flat area. Now, the example below is for 8 players. Divide these players into 2 teams. The position for the first 4 "(d)efenders" are designated below. The patotot [pah-toh-tot] or middle man (d4) is optional....but it's more fun to have one.

d4

________|________

| | |

| B | B | B = home base/start

d1 --|-------+-------|-- d1 for attackers.

| | |

| | |

d2 --|-------+-------|-- d2

| | |

| | |

d3 --|-------+-------|-- d3

| H | H |

| | | H = halfway zone

~~~~~~~~|~~~~~~~~

d4

All the defending players can ONLY move along their own lines (say, 15 ft in length). Each of the defending players (ie. d1-d3) MUST be spaced far enough from each other so that an incoming "(a)ttacking" player will not be TAGGED from the front or behind him while staying idle (resting) in the middle of 2 defending players (even 3 if the middle man is there). Depending on the agreed rules, defending players can only step on their lines and may or may not be allowed to step out to reach an attacking player. The defender must of course have at least one foot on his own line to reach out and tag an attacker. (something like a catcher in baseball should have at least one foot on the base).

The basic GOAL of the game is: to get one OR as many as possible OR all of the attacking players until the Halfway area and back to Base. Once an attacking player is tagged by any of the defenders, he/she is out of the game. It is up to the players to decide what the definition of a score is. Also, if the attacking player goes out of bounds (outside the game area), he/she can be considered out as well. Attackers and defenders then change roles after a score OR a player is tagged-out, it depends on what is agreed upon before the start of the game.

Variations of the game: Once you have mastered the idea of the game, simply change the rules to whatever you like... one variation is when a single attacking player is tagged, defenders and attackers switch roles (ie. strike out for the whole team). Score can be maintained for how many were able to return to Base, OR how many were tagged-out.

Summary:

Need large space (ie. field, garden) depending on how many playing.

Mark defender's lines if possible. Define outside zone.

Need equal number of players on each team.

Decide the rules, what the definition of score is.

Defenders must stay along their "lines" to tag incoming attackers.

Attackers must get through to the half way zone and back to base in order to win or score, without getting tagged by any of the defenders or stepping on the outside zone.

Once an attacker is tagged:

a. Game over for that player AND/OR

b. Teams change roles AND/OR

c. Continue until all other players make it through AND/OR

d. Continue until one player makes it through.

Have fun.

PIKO

Pronounced as: pee-koh

Is similar to hopscotch.

SABUNGAN

Pronounced as: sa-bu-ngan

Also known as "#######-fighting". This is played usually by breeders and gamblers. Two champion roosters are matched against each other. They are usually armed with sharp steel blades on their legs. The battle is fought to the death. There are special arenas that hold sabungan matches.

SIPA

Pronounced as: see-pah

Uses a coin-like object (washer) with colorful threads attached to it. This is then kicked (sipa) into the air by the player as many times as he can without the "sipa" falling on the floor.

TAGUAN

Pronounced as: tah-gu-ahn

This is also known as hide-and-seek. As usual, an "it" is selected and while he counts out loud (ie. 1-30), eyes closed on a "home base", the rest of the players find a place to hide. Once the time is out, the "it" tries to find the other players. If one is spotted, the "it" shouts "boong ". The two ("it" and player) races to the home base to touch it (shouts: "save" upon touching home base).

The first player that loses the race, becomes the next "it". The "it" can then continue to find the others, but a new "it" is already guaranteed to replace him. The other players, if they find out, can continue to challenge "race" the "it" to the base without getting spotted or just give themselves up.

TAKIP SILIM

From: Sonny Dionida

Pronounced as: ta-keep see-leem

First, remove the breakables (e.g. glass table, vase, art collection, etc.)

There is no set limit to the number of players allowed. The more, the merrier, but the game is better played when the place is not overcrowded.

Set the boundaries. No hiding in closets, bathroom, oven, refrigerators, etc. And to make it easier for the IT, you could limit the boundary to just one room like the living room.

Close the windows, drapes or sun shades to make the room dark.

Choose who will be IT or volunteer to be one. The IT will be blind folded and turned around 3 or 4 times and let go. Everybody will run around the room and the IT will try to catch somebody. When the IT catches someone, he/she will try to guess who the person is. If the guess is wrong, the IT will have to let that person go and try to catch another person and make another guess.

Usually, the IT tries to cheat by lifting the blindfold so he/she can see where he/she is going or who's being chased. People who are being chased run around the room, stepping on couches, hiding under tables or behind the curtains, whatever to avoid being caught.

The game ends when everybody becomes exhausted from all the running around.

Variation: This can also be played outside preferably on level ground with no obstacles like trees or protruding roots on the ground, etc. Also, to make it easier for the IT and harder for the runners, the area of movement allowed the runners is limited to a drawn circle. If a runner steps out of the circle, the runner becomes the IT. Of course the IT won't know when runners are violating the rule since the IT is blindfolded so it is up to the other runners to be vigilant of each other & watch who is stepping out of the boundary.

TUMBANG PRESO

Pronounced as: tum-bahng preh-so

This is a relatively simple game. At least 3 players are needed, although the more, the merrier. First, select the "it" or the defender. Next, find a can, or something that can be knocked over easily from a distance. Position this can in the center of the game area (this will be it's home plate or base). The game is played as follows.

The "it" will defend the can from being knocked down. While it is in the upright position, the "it" can chase anyone and tag him/her. When a player is tagged, and the can is still in the upright position, that player becomes the new "it".

The rest of the players must then see to it that the can is always knocked down. The "it" of course can always put it back in the upright position. The rest of the players usually use their slippers to knock the can from a distance. Or if one gets close enough to the can without getting tagged, he can kick it and pick-up the rest of the "weapons" or slippers used. Of course, it is usually up to the other players to get their own "weapons" or slippers. For fairness, it would be nice if the players had only two slippers to knock down the can, no more than that. Once all the players are out of slippers, this would be a major opportunity for the "it" to chase everyone before the can is kicked. The can has to be positioned in a particular area of responsibility.